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Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser argued that "populism is essentially democratic, but at odds with liberal democracy," since populism is based on putting into effect "the will of the people". It is therefore majoritarian in nature, and opposed to the safeguarding of minority rights, which is a defining feature of liberal democracy. [ 259 ]
Populism has risen the early 21st century; however, the focus is no longer on the general population protesting against the elites, which was historically the case with populism, [9] but rather on more political polarization, whereby a simple majority is the goal of politicians and thus leads to the "tyranny of the majority" in which they do ...
National Populism received a positive review in The Economist. [1] It was selected as one of the Sunday Times' books of the year. [3] Historian Paul Jackson praised the book as "a clear, well-grounded introduction to the field" but noted that it was hampered by a "lack of critical awareness on how minorities experience national populist agendas ...
Right-wing populism became the predominant conservative faction in response to the increasing liberalization of society, beginning with the Tea Party movement of 2009 and continuing with the first presidency of Donald Trump. [86] [103] There are several different schools of thought within American conservatism.
Valence populism is associated with anti-establishment sentiment and lacks a consistent ideology, unlike left-wing or right-wing populism. Techno-populism is a variant of valence populism. The concept of valence populism was largely built by political scientist Mattia Zulianello. It has usually been found in parties in Central and Eastern Europe.
Right-wing populism, also called national populism and right populism, [1] [2] [3] is a political ideology that combines right-wing politics with populist rhetoric and themes. Its rhetoric employs anti- elitist sentiments, opposition to the Establishment , and speaking to or for the common people .
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