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Otherwise, the other voters use a classic voting rule, for example the Borda count. This game form is clearly dictatorial, because voter 1 can impose the result. However, it is not strategyproof: the other voters face the same issue of strategic voting as in the usual Borda count. Thus, Gibbard's theorem is an implication and not an equivalence.
Gibbard's proof of the theorem is more general and covers processes of collective decision that may not be ordinal, such as cardinal voting. [note 1] Gibbard's 1978 theorem and Hylland's theorem are even more general and extend these results to non-deterministic processes, where the outcome may depend partly on chance; the Duggan–Schwartz ...
Strategic or tactical voting is voting in consideration of possible ballots cast by other voters in order to maximize one's satisfaction with the election's results. [1] Gibbard's theorem shows that no voting system has a single "always-best" strategy, i.e. one that always maximizes a voter's satisfaction with the result, regardless of other ...
Arrow's theorem does not cover rated voting rules, and thus cannot be used to inform their susceptibility to the spoiler effect. However, Gibbard's theorem shows these methods' susceptibility to strategic voting, and generalizations of Arrow's theorem describe cases where rated methods are susceptible to the spoiler effect.
Gibbard's theorem, built upon the earlier Arrow's theorem and the Gibbard–Satterthwaite theorem, to prove that for any single-winner deterministic voting methods, at least one of the following three properties must hold: The process is dictatorial, i.e. there is a single voter whose vote chooses the outcome.
Gibbard's theorem shows that any strategyproof game form (i.e. one with a dominant strategy) with more than two outcomes is dictatorial. The Gibbard–Satterthwaite theorem is a special case showing that no deterministic voting system can be fully invulnerable to strategic voting in all circumstances, regardless of how others vote.
More than 76 million Americans have cast their vote already in the 2024 general election, equivalent to 49% of the total vote in 2020. And as the early vote count climbs, here are two charts and a ...
Condorcet's jury theorem shows that so long as p > 1 ⁄ 2, the majority vote of a jury will be a better guide to the relative merits of two candidates than is the opinion of any single member. Peyton Young showed that three further properties apply to votes between arbitrary numbers of candidates, suggesting that Condorcet was aware of the ...