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Even without these problems, the Weimar Constitution was established and in effect under very difficult social, political, and economic conditions. In his book The Coming of the Third Reich, historian Richard J. Evans argues that
The Weimar National Assembly, which was responsible for writing a constitution for a new, democratic Germany following the overthrow of the Hohenzollern monarchy at the end of World War I, had the task of producing a document that would be accepted by both conservatives who wanted to keep the semi-constitutional monarchy of the Empire and people on the left who were looking for a socialist or ...
The first law violated the Weimar Constitution in several regards, most notably because the new state court was technically an illegal special court set up alongside the German High Court. The law could be enacted only because it passed in the Reichstag by a two-thirds majority, the margin that was required to change the constitution. The ...
During the Weimar period, the protection of fundamental rights was predominantly understood to be the task not of the constitutional courts but of the administrative courts. Article 107 of the constitution provided for the establishment of such a court, but it was not set up until 1941. Accordingly, the court remained ineffective. [citation needed]
Under the Weimar Constitution, a quorum of two-thirds of the entire Reichstag membership was required to be present in order to bring up a constitutional amendment bill. In this case, 432 of the Reichstag's 647 deputies would have normally been required for a quorum.
The Weimar Republic, [d] officially known as the German Reich, [e] was a historical period of Germany from 9 November 1918 to 23 March 1933, during which it was a constitutional republic for the first time in history; hence it is also referred to, and unofficially proclaimed itself, as the German Republic.
At the root of the new government’s problems was a myth told by the German high command at the end of World War I—the “Dolchstoss Legend.” When Germany asked for an armistice in November ...
Brüning entered office when the crises of both Weimar parliamentarianism and the Great Depression were peaking. [4] He knew that the restructuring of finances through the policy of austerity and deflation that he thought necessary would bring about a painful reduction of social benefits, an increase in taxes and the curbing of imports.