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The rise of caste-based mobilisation allowed marginalized caste groups to move past the mere consolations of legislative abolition, extending caste into the political frameworks. [3] The term refers to the 'second democratic upsurge' from the late 1980s with high voter turnout and representation of lower-caste communities in state and national ...
Nevertheless, the caste system still exists in endogamy and patrimony, and thrives in the politics of democracy, where caste provides ready made constituencies to politicians. The globalisation and economic opportunities from foreign businesses has influenced the growth of India's middle-class population.
Many political parties in India have indulged in caste-based votebank politics. Parties such as Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the Samajwadi Party and the Janata Dal claim that they are representing the backward castes, and rely on OBC support, often in alliance with Dalit and Muslim support, to win elections. [ 316 ]
Kapila, Kriti. 2008. "The measure of a tribe: the cultural politics of constitutional reclassification in North India." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 14: 117–134. Parish, Stephen. 1996. Hierarchy and its Discontents: culture and the politics of consciousness in caste society. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press.
In the KHAM combine, Kolis were the largest caste represented at different levels of politics, and Madhavsinh Solanki increased the reservation quota for Other Backward Classes in Gujarat. [3] The theory was propounded by Madhavsinh Solanki in 1980s in Gujarat to create vote bank for Indian National Congress and prepared by Jhinabhai Darji.
Ambedkar was a scheduled caste constitutional lawyer, a member of the low caste. [39] After 15 years since the first amendment listing Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the government adopted updated criteria for inclusion and exclusion based on the Lokur committee report of 1965.
In 1900, caste association became the dominant method to pitch for the social and political rights. Hence, a number of caste association of politically aware castes were formed in the meantime. Like Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav community, Paswans also formed their own Paswan Sabha in 1911 to make claims to Kshatriya status.
The theory was later used by Chaudhary Charan Singh in the 1970s as a part of his Kisan-Politics [2] to break the monopoly of Indian National Congress in Uttar Pradesh. [3] He subscribed to the Martial Race theory that Ahirs and Jats and Gurjars and rajputs are of the same social and Fighter community.