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The U.S. has an opportunity to illuminate and fuel discontent among ethnic minorities and the families of Russian soldiers.
The cost of the conflict between Israel and Hamas has been monstrous and tragic. As we hope that this phase of it will start to come to an end on Sunday, we have tried to sum up the price in lives ...
United States non-interventionism primarily refers to the foreign policy that was eventually applied by the United States between the late 18th century and the first half of the 20th century whereby it sought to avoid alliances with other nations in order to prevent itself from being drawn into wars that were not related to the direct territorial self-defense of the United States.
The bill authorized war but excluded "enduring offensive ground combat operations" against the Islamic State and "associated forces" for a three-year period. Walz thought it was a good compromise ...
In political science lexicon, the term "isolationism" is sometimes improperly used in place of "non-interventionism". [5] "Isolationism" should be interpreted as a broader foreign policy that, in addition to non-interventionism, is associated with trade and economic protectionism, cultural and religious isolation, as well as non-participation in any permanent military alliance.
Never at War: Why Democracies Will Not Fight One Another is a book by the historian and physicist Spencer R. Weart published by Yale University Press in 1998. It examines political and military conflicts throughout human history and finds no exception to one of the claims that is made by the controversial democratic peace theory that well-established liberal democracies have never made war on ...
Anxiety mounts every day that a full-scale Middle East war could erupt from the flames of the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza. A widened Middle East war would be a disaster, but it can still be avoided ...
Finally, war "ought" to be national, in the sense that its objective should be to advance the interests of a national state and that the entire effort of the nation ought to be mobilized in the service of the military objective. He later characterizes the philosophy behind the Vietnam War and other Cold War conflicts as "Neo-Clausewitzian".