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The ethics of research on race and intelligence has long been a subject of debate: in a 1996 report of the American Psychological Association; [60] in guidelines proposed by Gray and Thompson and by Hunt and Carlson; [58] [183] and in two editorials in Nature in 2009 by Steven Rose and by Stephen J. Ceci and Wendy M. Williams. [184] [185]
Hans Eysenck defended the hereditarian point of view and the use of intelligence tests in "Race, Intelligence and Education" (1971), a pamphlet presenting Jensenism to a popular audience, and "The Inequality of Man" (1973). He was severely critical of anti-hereditarians whose policies he blamed for many of the problems in society.
Stressing the similarity of average IQ scores across racial groups in the Eyferth study, James Flynn, Richard E. Nisbett, Nathan Brody, and others have interpreted it as supporting the notion that IQ differences between whites and blacks observed in many other studies are mostly or wholly cultural or environmental in origin. [10]
In 1994 he was one of 52 signatories on "Mainstream Science on Intelligence," [17] an essay written by Linda Gottfredson and published in The Wall Street Journal, which declared the consensus of the signing scholars on the meaning and significance of IQ following the publication of the book The Bell Curve.
When she started writing her college essay, Hillary Amofa told the story she thought admissions offices wanted to hear. “I would just find myself kind of trauma-dumping,” said the 18-year-old ...
The race of the Wright had to be socially proven, and neither side could present enough evidence. Since the slave owner Hudgins bore the burden of proof, Wright and her children gained their freedom. López uses this example to show the power of race in society. Human fate, he argues, still depends upon ancestry and appearance.
The debate concerns possible explanations of group differences encountered in the study of race and intelligence. Since the beginning of IQ testing around the time of World War I there have been observed differences between average scores of different population groups, though these differences have fluctuated and in many cases steadily ...
It is today considered to be one of if not the earliest example of scientific racism. [ 1 ] Expanding upon Boulainvilliers ' use of ethnography to defend the Ancien Régime against the claims of the Third Estate , Gobineau aimed for an explanatory system universal in scope : namely, that race is the primary force determining world events.