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In 2002, there were 97,296 "stop-and-frisk" stops made by New York police officers; 82.4% resulted in no fines or convictions. The number of stops increased dramatically in 2008 to over half a million, 88% of which did not result in any fine or conviction, peaking in 2011 to 685,724 stops, again with 88% (603,437) resulting in no conviction.
Wording and interpretation by state courts of "obstructing" laws also varies; for example, New York "obstructing" law [44] apparently requires physical rather than simply verbal obstruction; [45] [46] likewise, a violation of the Colorado "obstructing" law appears to require use or threat of use of physical force.
In New York City between 1996 and 2000, there was a disproportionate number of complaints by blacks about officers' use of force. [14] Governmental and nongovernmental organizations investigations have confirmed that police-perpetrated abuse has affected many people of all races. [ 14 ]
How Trump would execute a national stop and frisk policy is unclear, as policing falls under state and local laws, said Delores Jones-Brown, professor emeritus, City Colleges of New York, John Jay ...
When a search for weapons is also authorized, the procedure is known as a stop and frisk. To justify the stop, a law enforcement officer must be able to point to "specific and articulable facts" that would indicate to a reasonable person that a crime has been, is being, or is about to be committed.
Terry v. Ohio, 392 U.S. 1 (1968) — stop and frisk for weapons OK for officer safety; Sibron v. New York, 392 U.S. 40 (1968) — companion case to Terry. Peters v. New York (1968) — companion case to Terry contained in Sibron
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