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The Traffic in Women: Notes on the "Political Economy" of Sex is an article regarding theories of the oppression of women originally published in 1975 by feminist anthropologist Gayle Rubin. [1] In the article, Rubin argued against the Marxist conceptions of women's oppression—specifically the concept of " patriarchy "—in favor of her own ...
In the 1970s, women of color worked alongside hegemonic, white feminist groups but found them to be mostly centered on the white, middle-class feminist issues of the time. With the help of white, anti-racist women, women of color gave rise to multiracial feminist theory and led to the development of organizations created by and for women of color.
In April Bernard's article, "The Intersectional Alternative: Explaining Female Criminality", Bernard applies Patricia Hill Collins’ work to the study of feminist criminology, as a means of explaining the cumulative effects of identity in a system of oppression on women's decisions to commit a crime. [22]
The division between productive and unproductive labor is stressed by some Marxist feminists including Margaret Benston and Peggy Morton. [7] These theories specify that while productive labor results in goods or services that have monetary value in the capitalist system and are thus compensated by the producers in the form of a paid wage, reproductive labor is associated with the private ...
Anti-oppressive practice is an interdisciplinary approach primarily rooted within the practice of social work that focuses on ending socioeconomic oppression.It requires the practitioner to critically examine the power imbalance inherent in an organizational structure with regards to the larger sociocultural and political context in order to develop strategies for creating an egalitarian ...
It also suggests that, although men in low level positions in the workplace possess a low status in this context, they may carry over the higher status that comes with their gender into the workplace. Women do not possess this high status; therefore the low status that low-level women possess in the workplace is the sole status that matters. [11]
She argues that the domestic mode of production is the material basis of gender oppression, and that marriage is a labor contract that gives men the right to exploit women. [8] Materialist feminists reject that women's oppression has any natural basis. Instead, it is conceived as strictly cultural, and sex assignment would be a means to realize ...
Because high concentrations of women work in these fields (34.8% of employed women of color and 5.1% of white women as private household workers, 21.6% and 13.8% working in service jobs, 9.3% and 3.7% as agricultural workers, and 8.1% and 17.2% as administrative workers), "nearly 45% of all employed women, then, appear to have been exempt from ...