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Another source of political violence of this era stems from the Pisagua Prison Camp. While Pisagua was officially a prison, in 1943 it was employed as a detention center for Axis nationals, from 1947-48 it was used as a concentration camp for communists and homosexual men, and in 1956 it was used as a prison camp for political and labor leaders ...
Fifty years after a 1973 coup in Chile that ushered in 17 years of brutal military rule and saw some 40,000 people imprisoned, disappeared, tortured or killed, Reuters went with five former ...
Pinochet's goal was to annihilate all forms of opposition. He therefore greatly supported Military Decree 1697, which outlawed the formation of any political party. A large proportion of the Chilean population was vulnerable to surveillance. Chile's churches, universities, businesses, and neighborhoods were all under intense scrutiny. [29]
The violence continued on 19 October and the Metro remained closed to passengers. Shops were looted, buses were set alight and clashes occurred between demonstrators and the security forces. [86] A curfew was imposed between 22:00 and 07:00 hours.
The prisoners of the 2019–2021 Chilean protests, dubbed by some groups as Prisoners of the Revolt (Spanish: Presos de la Revuelta), are people who have been held in custody in the context of the social unrest in Chile whose circumstances of detention have been subject of severe criticism including the claim they are political prisoners.
The deal involved 370 tons of weapons, sold to Croatia by Chile on 7 December 1991, when the former country was under a United Nations' embargo because of the support for Croatia war in Yugoslavia. Piñeragate (1992) – political espionage and eavesdropping; Eugenio Berríos (1995) – assassination of a DINA biochemist
Following the 1973 Chilean coup d'état, an armed leftist resistance movement against Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship developed until 1990 when democracy was restored.This conflict was part of the South American theater in the Cold War, with the United States backing the Chilean military and the Soviet Union backing the guerrillas.
The 1982 crisis has been traced to the overvalued Chilean peso, which had been helped by being pegged to the US dollar, and to the high interest rates in Chile, which would have hampered investment in productive activities. In fact, from 1979 to 1982, much [vague] of the spending in Chile was the consumption of goods and services.