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Populism has risen the early 21st century; however, the focus is no longer on the general population protesting against the elites, which was historically the case with populism, [9] but rather on more political polarization, whereby a simple majority is the goal of politicians and thus leads to the "tyranny of the majority" in which they do ...
Populism itself cannot be positioned on the left–right political spectrum, [71] and both right and left-wing populisms exist. [72] Populist movements can also mix divisions between left and right, for instance by combining xenophobic attitudes commonly associated with the far-right with redistributive economic policies closer to those of the ...
The Great Recoil: Politics After Populism and Pandemic is a 2021 book by Paolo Gerbaudo, [1] [2] [3] a professor of digital politics at King's College London. [4] The book examines the impact of the rise of populism in the 21st century and the COVID-19 pandemic on neo-liberalism.
Left-wing populism, also called social populism, is a political ideology that combines left-wing politics with populist rhetoric and themes. Its rhetoric often includes elements of anti- elitism , opposition to the Establishment , and speaking for the " common people ". [ 1 ]
Valence populism is associated with anti-establishment sentiment and lacks a consistent ideology, unlike left-wing or right-wing populism. Techno-populism is a variant of valence populism. The concept of valence populism was largely built by political scientist Mattia Zulianello. It has usually been found in parties in Central and Eastern Europe.
Gunn Enli identifies the Internet's effect on public opinion as being “characterised by an intensified personalisation of political advocacy and increased anti-elitism, popularisation and populism”. [16] Public opinion has become more varied as a result of online news sources being influenced by political communication and agenda setting.
In On Populist Reason, Laclau considered the nature of populism in political discourse, the creation of a popular hegemonic bloc such as "the people", and the importance of affect in politics. Building on his earlier work, Laclau argued that the basis of populism lies in the creation of " empty signifiers ": words and ideas that express a ...
If populist movements in 1930s and 1940s Latin America had apparent fascist overtones and based themselves on authoritarian politics, as was the case of Vargas' Estado Novo dictatorship in Brazil (1937–1945), [16] or of some of Peron's openly expressed sympathies, [17] in the 1950s populism adapted—not without considerable unease from its ...
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