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Deregulation can be just as cumbersome as regulation, especially if the new administration wants those efforts to survive inevitable legal challenges under the Administrative Procedure Act.
Deregulation creates opportunities for public institutions to leverage AI in ways that were previously hindered by red tape, allowing them to modernize operations and better serve constituents.
Deregulation will still be hard. Any deregulatory action has to go through the same procedure as a regulatory action, which typically takes one to two years to complete.
William K. Black says that inappropriate deregulation helped create a criminogenic environment in the savings and loan industry, which attracted opportunistic control frauds like Charles Keating, whose massive political campaign contributions were used successfully to further remove regulatory oversight.
The Pournelle chart, developed by Jerry Pournelle in his 1963 political science Ph.D. dissertation, is a two-dimensional coordinate system which can be used to distinguish political ideologies. It is similar to the political compass and the Nolan Chart in that it is a two-dimensional chart, but the axes of the Pournelle chart are different from ...
Former Obama-era Director of the FTC's Bureau of Consumer Protection [11] and Public Citizen Litigation Group lawyer David Vladeck called the executive order "unconstitutional, illegal and stupid," saying "if you really want to reduce the regulatory load, you can't use a shotgun, you have to use a scalpel."
By serving political goals, this approach to privatization is appealing to supporters, especially during specific political or global events. [33] Some economists categorize Labor's privatisation scheme in the 1990s as tactical, because it aimed to achieve macroeconomic aims to ensure the competitiveness of Australia's economy, against the ...
Analysis conducted by Vanderbilt University political science professor Larry Bartels in 2004 and 2015 found income growth is faster and more equal under Democratic presidents. From 1982 through 2013, he found real incomes increased in the 20th and 40th percentiles of incomes under Democrats, while they fell under Republicans.